الثلاثاء، سبتمبر 04، 2012

The World' s Muslims: Unity and Diversity - Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life


The World's Muslims: Unity and Diversity

Chapter 5: Boundaries of Religious Identity

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Who counts as a Muslim, and who does not? Which beliefs and practices are Islamic, and which are not? Many Muslims across the globe hold firm views on such questions. Asked, for example, whether there is only one true way to interpret Islam’s teachings or whether multiple interpretations are possible, half or more of the Muslims surveyed in 32 of the 39 countries included in the study say there is only one true way to interpret their religion. Yet, at the same time, opinion as to which groups or sects adhere to the true interpretation – and which do not – varies significantly among Muslims around the world.
The status of Shia Muslims is a case in point. In some countries in the Middle East and North Africa with predominantly Sunni populations, such as Egypt and Morocco, the prevailing view is that Shias are not members of the Islamic faith. In Iraq and Lebanon, however, overwhelming majorities of all Muslims affirm Shias are Muslims. (For definitions of Shia and Sunni, see the Glossary.)
One factor that distinguishes Iraq and Lebanon is that, unlike other Sunni-majority countries in the region, they are home to substantial numbers of Shias as well. Rather than reinforcing perceived distinctions between the groups, living side-by-side appears to increase mutual recognition: Solid majorities of Sunnis in Iraq (82%) and Lebanon (77%) recognize Shias as fellow members of the Islamic faith, while overwhelming percentages of Shias in both countries say the same about Sunnis.
In countries outside the Middle East and North Africa that are also home to substantial Shia populations – such as Azerbaijan, Afghanistan and Russia – Sunnis also tend to be more accepting of Shias.
In some regions of the globe, sectarian divisions appear to have limited importance. This is especially true in Central Asia and across Southern and Eastern Europe (Russia and the Balkans), where respondents tend to be either unfamiliar with the terms “Sunni” and “Shia” or do not have a definite opinion as to whether these groups should be considered members of the Islamic community.
The survey also asked about perceptions of Sufis, who embrace mystical or esoteric dimensions of Islam and often mix standard religious practices with a range of supplementary spiritual practices, including the chanting of God’s attributes, ritual dancing or the veneration of Islamic saints. Opinions about Sufism vary widely. Acceptance is broadest in South Asia, where seven-in-ten or more Muslims view Sufis as fellow believers. In other regions, fewer than six-in-ten share this view, although in no country does a majority reject Sufis as Muslims. In many of the countries surveyed, substantial numbers of Muslims say they are unfamiliar with Sufis or do not have an opinion about their status within Islam.
Interpreting Islam’s Teachings
Muslims in most of the 39 countries surveyed tend to agree that there is only one true interpretation of Islam’s teachings, although this view is far from unanimous.
gsi-ch5-1Across Southeast Asia and South Asia, roughly seven-in-ten in each country hold this view. And in 10 of the 16 sub-Saharan African countries surveyed, six-in-ten or more believe there is only one interpretation of Islam.
With the exception of Kazakhstan (36%), clear majorities of self-identified Muslims across Central Asia also subscribe to the notion that there is a single interpretation of their faith.
Opinion is more varied across Southern and Eastern Europe. While three-quarters of Muslims in Bosnia-Herzegovina endorse the view that there is only one interpretation of Islam, only about half in Russia (53%) and Kosovo (52%) agree. Even fewer Albanian Muslims (41%) embrace this idea.
The most diverse views on Islam’s interpretation are found in the Middle East and North Africa. At one end of the spectrum, super-majorities in Egypt (78%) and Jordan (76%) say there is only one true interpretation of Islam. At the other end of the spectrum, only about a third of Muslims in Tunisia (35%) and Morocco (34%) concur.
Beyond these regional variations, views on the interpretation of Islam also vary with levels of personal religious commitment as measured by frequency of prayer. In many of the countries surveyed, Muslims who pray several times a day are more likely than those who pray less often to believe there is a single correct interpretation of Islam’s teachings.
gsi-ch5-2Acceptance of Sunnis
gsi-ch5-3When asked whether Sunnis are Muslims, more than half of respondents in 17 of the 23 countries where the question was posed say yes. There is particularly broad agreement on this question in South Asia and the Middle East-North Africa region, with more than nine-in-ten across both regions identifying Sunnis as Muslims.
In the Central Asian nations of Tajikistan (98%), Azerbaijan (91%) and Turkey (91%), overwhelming numbers also recognize Sunnis as Muslims. Similar attitudes are evident in Southeast Asia among Thai Muslims (94%). In Southern and Eastern Europe, smaller majorities of Bosnian and Russian Muslims agree (74% and 56%, respectively).
In the handful of countries where fewer recognize Sunnis as Muslims, substantial percentages say either that they have not heard of Sunnis or that they do not know whether Sunnis are Muslims. This tendency is most pronounced in Central Asia and across Southern and Eastern Europe, where about four-in-ten or more Muslims in Uzbekistan (72%), Kyrgyzstan (50%), Kazakhstan (42%), Albania (49%) and Kosovo (38%) are either unfamiliar with the term “Sunni” or have no definite opinion.
In Iraq and Lebanon – two countries with significant populations of both self-identified Sunnis and Shias – Shia Muslims almost universally agree that Sunnis are members of the Islamic community (99% in Iraq, 97% in Lebanon). In Azerbaijan, another country where both sects have large followings, 78% of Shias agree that Sunnis are Muslims, while 18% disagree.
Acceptance of Shias
In 13 of the 23 countries where the question was asked, at least half of respondents say that Shias are members of the Islamic faith. However, opinion on this matter is far from universal, and in at least two countries – Egypt and Morocco – the dominant view is that Shias are not Muslims.
gsi-ch5-4Overall, Muslims in South Asia most consistently agree that Shias share their religion. At least three-quarters express this view in Afghanistan (84%) and Bangladesh (77%), while about half (53%) agree in Pakistan.
Acceptance of Shias as fellow Muslims also is widespread in Southern and Eastern Europe. The one exception is Kosovo, where 36% of Muslims consider Shias as belonging to the Islamic faith. However, a substantial percentage of Kosovar Muslims (43%) either have not heard of Shias or are not sure whether Shias are Muslims. Only about one-in-five (21%) actually reject the notion that Shias are Muslims.
In the Middle East and North Africa, distinctions between Sunnis and Shias appear to be better known: in no country in the region do more than a quarter (23%) of respondents say they are either unfamiliar with the term “Shia” or unsure whether Shias are Muslims.
In three of the countries surveyed in the region – Tunisia, Jordan and the Palestinian territories – opinion is closely divided on whether Shias are Muslims. In Egypt and Morocco, the prevailing view (52% and 51%, respectively) is that Shias are not Muslims. Only in Iraq and Lebanon do overwhelming majorities (92% and 88%, respectively) acknowledge Shias as Muslims.
gsi-ch5-5In part, these findings reflect the fact that in both countries Shias make up a substantial portion of the population (51% of Iraqi Muslims surveyed self-identify as Shia; 48% of Lebanese Muslims self-identify as Shia), and Shia views are incorporated into these overall numbers.26
But when the attitudes of Sunnis in these countries are examined separately, it becomes clear that the Sunni communities in Iraq and Lebanon are much more welcoming of Shias than Sunnis in other parts of the Middle East and North Africa. Indeed, Sunnis in these two countries are at least 23 to 28 percentage points more likely than Sunnis elsewhere in the region to recognize Shias as Muslims.
The cases of Iraq and Lebanon suggest that the experience of living side-by-side may increase, rather than decrease, mutual recognition between Sunnis and Shias. And the survey findings indicate that these may not be the only instances where this is true.
Sunnis are also more likely to embrace Shias as fellow Muslims in Azerbaijan, Russia and Afghanistan – countries where 6% or more of Muslims self-identify as Shia. Rates of acceptance range from 90% in Azerbaijan, to 85% in Russia, to 83% in Afghanistan. Overall, these three countries – along with Iraq and Lebanon – represent five of the six countries where Sunnis are most accepting of Shias. (The sixth is Bangladesh, at 77%.)
Pakistan, where 6% of Muslims surveyed self-identify as Shias, is the one exception to this rule. Pakistan’s Sunnis are more mixed in their attitudes toward Shias: half say they are Muslims, while 41% disagree.
gsi-ch5-6In five of the six countries where self-identified Shias make up more than 6% of the Muslim population, the size of the Sunni population permits further analysis by age and gender.27 Age differences in Sunni attitudes toward Shias are not statistically significant, except in Lebanon. Lebanese Sunnis ages 18-34 are 15 points more likely than those 35 and older to say that Shias are Muslims. Lebanon experienced a civil war along sectarian lines from 1975 to 1991, and this history may help explain the generational difference. Older Sunnis, who came of age during the conflict years, are somewhat less inclined to view Shias as fellow Muslims than are younger Sunnis, who may not have any firsthand recollection of the civil war. Still, a majority of Lebanese Sunnis – of all ages – do accept Shias as Muslims.
Across the same five countries, gender differences in Sunni attitudes toward Shias are statistically significant only in Russia, where Sunni women are more accepting of Shias than Sunni men (+8 percentage points).
Attitudes Toward Sufis
gsi-ch5-7Opinion varies as to whether Sufis – self-professed Muslims who emphasize the mystical dimension of religious belief and practice – are part of the Islamic tradition. In a few countries, they are widely embraced as fellow Muslims. In many countries, however, substantial percentages of Muslims say they are unfamiliar with Sufis as a group; those who are familiar enough to form an opinion are divided in their views toward Sufis.
Acceptance of Sufis as Muslims is most widespread in South Asia. Broad majorities in Bangladesh (83%), Afghanistan (77%) and Pakistan (70%) agree that Sufis belong to the Islamic tradition.
In the Middle East and North Africa, half or more in four of the seven countries surveyed agree that Sufis are Muslims. Moroccan views on the issue are the most closely divided: 43% say yes, 41% say no, and 16% say they don’t know or they have never heard of Sufis.
Across the regions of Central Asia, Southeast Asia, and Southern and Eastern Europe, only in Turkey (56%) and Tajikistan (52%) do more than half say Sufis are Muslims. In most of the other countries in these regions, fewer than a quarter believe Sufis are members of the Islamic faith. This finding reflects, in part, the fact that large percentages of Muslims in these three regions are unfamiliar with Sufis.
In both Iraq and Lebanon, Sunnis tend to be more willing than Shias to acknowledge Sufis as Muslims. Iraqi Sunnis, for instance, are 49 percentage points more likely to believe Sufis are Muslims than are Iraqi Shias; in Lebanon, the difference is 18 points. In Azerbaijan, however, there is no significant difference in how Sunni and Shia Muslims view Sufis.
Views of Other Groups
gsi-ch5-8The survey also asked about several groups and movements that are based in specific regions or countries. These include Alevis, Alawites and Druze in the Middle East and Central Asia, Ahmadiyyas in South Asia and Southeast Asia and two groups – Islam Liberal and Aliran Kepercayaan – that are mainly present in Indonesia and neighboring Malaysia.
Alevis fall within the Shia tradition, and they are most numerous in Turkey. A 69% majority of Turkish Muslims accept Alevis as fellow members of the Islamic faith; only 17% disagree, while 14% are unsure.
Alawites and Druze are centuries-old sects based in the Levant region of the Middle East. The former group practices a form of Shia Islam.  Among Lebanese Muslims, nearly six-in-ten (57%) believe Alawites share the same faith as themselves, while 38% disagree. Opinion of the Druze leans in the opposite direction: 39% say the sect is part of the Islamic tradition, while about half (52%) believe it is not.
In South Asia and Southeast Asia, Muslims tend to be skeptical of regionally or locally based religious sects. For example, Ahmadiyyas, members of an Islamic reformist movement founded by Mirza Ghulam Ahmad in India in the late 19th century, are not widely considered to be Muslims (see Glossary). Out of the five countries where this question was asked, only in Bangladesh do more than a quarter (40%) of Muslims believe Ahmadiyyas are Muslims. In Indonesia and Pakistan, a majority of those interviewed state that Ahmadiyyas are not Muslims, while in Malaysia and Thailand most either have not heard of the group or do not know if it is part of the Islamic tradition.
Islam Liberal is a movement in Indonesia that prioritizes ethics over textual literalism. Only 16% of Indonesian Muslims think the movement is part of the Islamic faith, compared with 58% who do not. About a quarter (26%) are either unfamiliar with the group or do not know.
Doubts also surround Aliran Kepercayaan, a mystical movement centered in Indonesia that combines elements of Islam with other religious traditions. In Indonesia, relatively few Muslims (5%) say the group is part of the Islamic faith, while fully 80% disagree. In Malaysia, just 9% say Aliran Kepercayaan falls within the bounds of Islam, compared with nearly two-thirds (66%) who have never heard of the group or do not know and 26% who think members of the movement are not Muslims.

Footnotes:  
26 The percentages reported here reflect the results of the survey. These results sometimes differ from the Pew Forum’s demographic estimates. For example, the Pew Forum’s 2009 report, “Mapping the Global Muslim Population” estimates that Shia Muslims in Iraq make up 65-70% of the population, while Shia Muslims in Lebanon account for 45-55% of the population. (return to text) 
27 The sample size of Sunnis in Azerbaijan is too small to be included in this analysis. (return to text) 
Photo Credit: © SZE FEI WONG / istockphoto

الاثنين، سبتمبر 03، 2012

The World' s Muslims: Unity and Diversity - Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life

The World's Muslims: Unity and Diversity

Chapter 4: Other Beliefs and Practices

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Both the Quran and hadith make reference to witchcraft and the evil eye as well as to supernatural beings known in Arabic as jinn (the origin of the English word genie).22gsi-ch4-1 To gauge how widespread belief in these supernatural forces is today, the survey asked Muslims separate questions about witchcraft, jinn and the evil eye (defined in the survey as the belief that certain people can cast curses or spells that cause bad things to happen). In most of the countries surveyed, roughly half or more Muslims affirm that jinn exist and that the evil eye is real. Belief in sorcery is somewhat less common: half or more Muslims in nine of the countries included in the study say they believe in witchcraft. At the same time, however, most Muslims agree that Islam forbids appealing to jinn or using sorcery. As will be discussed in Chapter 6, in all but one country surveyed, no more than one-in-five say that Islam condones people appealing to jinn. Similarly low percentages say the same about the use of sorcery (see Appeals to Jinn in Chapter 6).
Islamic tradition also holds that Muslims should rely on God alone to keep them safe from sorcery and malicious spirits rather than resorting to talismans, which are charms or amulets bearing symbols or precious stones believed to have magical powers, or other means of protection. Perhaps reflecting the influence of this Islamic teaching, a large majority of Muslims in most countries say they do not possess talismans or other protective objects. The use of talismans is most widespread in Pakistan (41%) and Albania (39%), while in other countries fewer than three-in-ten Muslims say they wear talismans or precious stones for protection. Although using objects specifically to ward off the evil eye is somewhat more common, only in Azerbaijan (74%) and Kazakhstan (54%) do more than half the Muslims surveyed say they rely on objects for this purpose.
Reliance on traditional religious healers is most prevalent among Muslims in sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia, with roughly two-thirds or more in Senegal (73%), Chad (68%) and Afghanistan (66%) saying they have turned to traditional healers to help cure someone who is ill.
Jinn
gsi-ch4-2According to the Quran, God created jinn as well as angels and humans. Belief in jinn is relatively widespread – in 13 of 23 countries where the question was asked, more than half of Muslims believe in these supernatural beings.
In the South Asian countries surveyed, at least seven-in-ten Muslims affirm that jinn exist, including 84% in Bangladesh. In Southeast Asia, a similar proportion of Malaysian Muslims (77%) believe in jinn, while fewer in Indonesia (53%) and Thailand (47%) share this belief.
Across the Middle Eastern and North African nations surveyed, belief in jinn ranges from 86% in Morocco to 55% in Iraq.
Overall, Muslims in Central Asia and across Southern and Eastern Europe (Russia and the Balkans) are least likely to say that jinn are real. In Central Asia, Turkey is the only country where a majority (63%) of Muslims believe in jinn. Elsewhere in Central Asia, about a fifth or fewer Muslims accept the existence of jinn. In Southern and Eastern Europe, fewer than four-in-ten in any country surveyed believe in these supernatural beings.
In general, Muslims who pray several times a day are more likely to believe in jinn. For example, in Russia, 62% of those who pray more than once a day say that jinn exist, compared with 24% of those who pray less often. A similar gap also appears in Lebanon (+25 percentage points), Malaysia (+24) and Afghanistan (+21).
The survey also asked if respondents had ever seen jinn. In 21 of the 23 countries where the question was asked, fewer than one-in-ten report having seen jinn, while the proportion is 12% in Bangladesh and 10% in Lebanon.
It is important to note that while belief in jinn is widespread, relatively few Muslims in the countries surveyed believe it is an acceptable part of Islamic tradition to make offerings to jinn. As discussed in Chapter 6, Bangladesh is the only country surveyed in which more than a fifth of Muslims (28%) say appeals to jinn are acceptable. In 18 of the countries, no more than one-in-ten say this is an acceptable practice.
Witchcraft
gsi-ch4-3The Quran and hadith both make reference to witchcraft and sorcery in the time of the Prophet Muhammad.23 Today, the survey finds, substantial numbers of Muslims continue to believe in the existence of witchcraft, although levels of belief vary widely across the countries included in the study, and – as discussed later in this report – very few Muslims believe the use of sorcery is an acceptable practice under Islam. (See Use of Sorcery in Chapter 6.)
In sub-Saharan Africa, the proportion of Muslims who say witchcraft or sorcery is real ranges from more than nine-in-ten in Tanzania (92%) to about one-in-six in Ethiopia (15%). A similar range of views is found in the Middle East and North Africa, where more than three-quarters of Muslims in Tunisia (89%) and Morocco (78%) believe in witchcraft, compared with as few as 16% in Egypt and 14% in the Palestinian territories.
Among the Southeast Asian countries surveyed, Indonesian Muslims are the most convinced that witchcraft is real (69%). In South Asia, Pakistani Muslims (50%) are more likely than their counterparts in Afghanistan (35%) or Bangladesh (9%) to believe in the existence of sorcery.
Meanwhile, in Southern and Eastern Europe, Albanian Muslims are the most likely to believe in witchcraft (43%), compared with a third or fewer elsewhere in the region.
Belief in the existence of witchcraft is least common in Central Asia. With the exception of Turkey, where about half of Muslims (49%) believe that sorcery exists, no more than three-in-ten in any of the Central Asian nations surveyed believe witchcraft is real.
Across most of the countries surveyed, Muslims who pray more than once a day are about as likely to accept the existence of witchcraft as those who pray less often. However, there are exceptions to this pattern. In Kosovo and Lebanon, Muslims who pray several times a day are significantly more likely to believe in sorcery (32 percentage points in the former, 16 points in the latter), while in Kyrgyzstan and Egypt the opposite is true: those who pray multiple times a day are slightly less likely to believe in witchcraft (by 10 and eight points, respectively).
Evil Eye
gsi-ch4-4According to hadith, the Prophet Muhammad confirmed that the evil eye, borne by jealousy or envy, is real and capable of causing harm or misfortune.24 In 20 of the 39 countries surveyed, half or more Muslims say they believe in the evil eye.
Acceptance is generally highest in the Middle East and North Africa. With the exception of Lebanon (50%), solid majorities across the region affirm that the evil eye exists, including at least eight-in-ten Muslims in Tunisia (90%) and Morocco (80%).
Many Muslims in Central Asia also believe in the evil eye. Clear majorities in Turkey (69%) and Kazakhstan (66%) say the evil eye is real.  About half in each of the other countries in the region share this view.
In Southern and Eastern Europe, Russian (59%) and Albanian (54%) Muslims are most likely to believe in the evil eye. Fewer say the same in Kosovo (40%) and Bosnia-Herzegovina (37%).
Opinion about the evil eye varies significantly across South Asia and sub-Saharan Africa. In the former, Pakistani and Afghan Muslims are much more likely than their counterparts in Bangladesh to believe in the evil eye (61% and 53%, respectively, vs. 22%). Of countries surveyed in sub-Saharan Africa, Tanzania has the highest share of Muslims who say the evil eye is real (83%). In the majority of countries in the region, fewer than half accept that the evil eye exists.
In most nations surveyed, more believe the evil eye is real than say the same about witchcraft.  Muslims in Southeast Asia, however, differ from this pattern. While 69% in Indonesia and 49% in Malaysia say witchcraft exists, just 29% and 36%, respectively, say the same about the evil eye.


Talismans
gsi-ch4-5Some hadith condemn the wearing of talismans – charms or amulets bearing symbols or precious stones believed to have magical powers.25 In all countries surveyed a majority of Muslims report that they do not use magical objects to ward off evil or misfortune. Indeed, in 21 of 23 countries where the question was asked, fewer than three-in-ten Muslims say they wear talismans or precious stones for protection.
The practice of wearing talismans or amulets is most common among Pakistani and Albanian Muslims (41% and 39%, respectively). By comparison, in the remaining South Asian and Southern and Eastern European countries, roughly a quarter or fewer report wearing talismans.
Across Central Asia and the Middle East-North Africa region, only modest numbers rely on the protective powers of talismans or precious stones. In Central Asia, the wearing of talismans is most common in Kazakhstan (27%), Tajikistan (26%) and Turkey (23%). In the Middle East and North Africa, the practice is most common in Jordan (28%), Tunisia (25%) and Egypt (25%).
Overall, reliance on talismans is least common in Southeast Asia, where only a small number of Muslims in Indonesia (4%), Thailand (3%) and Malaysia (3%) report wearing objects to ward off evil or misfortune.
For the most part, there is little difference in the use of talismans between Muslims who pray several times a day and those who pray less often. One exception is in Lebanon, where those who pray more than once a day are 15 percentage points more likely to wear protective objects.
Smaller gaps by frequency of prayer are also found in Turkey (+13 percentage points among those who pray more than once a day) and Azerbaijan (+7). The opposite relationship is found in Tunisia (-12) and Morocco (-8), where those who pray less frequently are more likely to wear talismans.
Objects to Ward Off the Evil Eye
gsi-ch4-6Although the survey finds that most Muslims do not wear talismans, a substantial number of Muslims appear to make an exception for charms kept at home to ward off the evil eye. In 14 of 23 countries where the question was asked, significantly more Muslims say they possess objects in their home to protect against the evil eye than say the same about wearing talismans.
The largest difference in the two practices is found in Azerbaijan, where Muslims are more than seven times as likely to have an object to protect against the evil eye as to wear talismans (74% vs. 10%). In the other Central Asian nations surveyed, the gaps are smaller, ranging from 27 percentage points in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan to nine points in Kyrgyzstan.
The use of charms to ward off the evil eye is also relatively common in some Middle Eastern and North African countries. Many more Muslims keep objects to protect against the evil eye than wear talismans in Iraq (+24 percentage points), Tunisia (+22), Lebanon (+17) and the Palestinian territories (+14).
In the other countries surveyed, the difference between the number of Muslims who use objects to ward off the evil eye and those who wear talismans tends to be small to negligible, although the gap is 18 percentage points in Afghanistan and 10 points in Russia.
In some countries, the use of objects to ward off the evil eye varies significantly by sect. In Azerbaijan, for example, 77% of Shia Muslims say they have items in their home to protect against the evil eye, compared with 57% of the country’s Sunni Muslims. Similarly, in Iraq, Shias are much more inclined than Sunnis to rely on charms against the evil eye, by a 56% to 28% margin. In Lebanon, however, there is no significant difference between Shias and Sunnis with respect to this practice.
In general, Muslims who pray several times a day are no more likely than less religiously committed Muslims to have objects to ward off the evil eye. But there are a few exceptions to this pattern, including Muslims in Azerbaijan (+23-percentage-point difference between Muslims who pray more than once a day and those who pray less often), Turkey (+19) and Lebanon (+13).  In contrast, the reverse is true in Morocco (-17), Uzbekistan (-14) and Egypt (-14), with those who pray less often being more likely to have objects to ward off the evil eye.
Displaying Quranic Verses
In 19 of the 22 countries where the question was asked, it is more common for Muslims to display verses from the Quran in their home than it is to have talismans or objects to ward off the evil eye. In Southeast Asia, South Asia, and the Middle East and North Africa, seven-in-ten or more in all countries report having verses on display in their dwellings. This practice is somewhat less common in Central Asia and across Southern and Eastern Europe.
gsi-ch4-7Overall, those who pray more than once a day are more likely to display Quranic writings in their home. This difference tends to be greatest in countries in Southern and Eastern Europe and in Central Asia, including Russia (+26 percentage points), Kyrgyzstan (+23), Turkey (+22), Azerbaijan (+19), Bosnia-Herzegovina (+18) and Tajikistan (+18).
Traditional Religious Healers
gsi-ch4-8Substantial numbers of Muslims report that they turn to traditional religious healers when they or their family members are ill. This practice is common among Muslims in sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia. In the former region, more than half in Senegal (73%), Chad (68%), Cameroon (57%), Liberia (55%), Mali (55%) and Tanzania (53%) say they sometimes use traditional healers. In South Asia, most Afghan and Pakistani Muslims (66% and 55%, respectively) say the same.
Although a majority of Tajik Muslims (66%) also report turning to traditional religious healers, fewer in the other Central Asian nations say they sometimes seek such help for themselves or a family member.
Across the countries surveyed in Southeast Asia and the Middle East-North Africa region, fewer than half of Muslims say they ever enlist the aid of traditional religious healers. In Southeast Asia, the practice is most common in Thailand (48%), while in the Middle East and North Africa reliance on traditional healers is most prevalent among Muslims in Iraq (46%), Egypt (44%), Jordan (42%) and Tunisia (41%).
Muslims in Southern and Eastern Europe are less likely to consult traditional religious healers. About four-in-ten Albanian Muslims (38%) say they sometimes use such healers, while elsewhere in the region a quarter or fewer say they ever turn to a traditional healer.
In some countries, Muslims who pray several times a day are more likely than those who pray less often to use traditional religious healers. For example, in Jordan 47% of those who pray more than once a day have turned to traditional healers, compared with 31% of those who pray less often; in Turkey, the difference is 35% vs. 18%. Smaller but significant gaps are found in Kosovo (+16 percentage points among those who pray more than once a day), Azerbaijan (+15), Kyrgyzstan (+13), Egypt (+12) and Lebanon (+12).
Exorcism
The survey also asked respondents whether they have ever seen the devil or evil spirits being driven out of someone, as in an exorcism. Across Southern and Eastern Europe and in Central Asia fewer than one-in-ten Muslims say they have experienced or witnessed such an event. First-hand accounts are almost as rare in the Middle East and North Africa, although 18% of Moroccan Muslims say they have observed an exorcism.  In South Asia and Southeast Asia, between 7% and 21% claim to have been present at an exorcism. Muslims residing in sub-Saharan Africa express greater familiarity with this practice: in 10 sub-Saharan countries, more than a quarter of all Muslims, including 48% in Ethiopia, say they have seen the devil or evil spirits being expelled from a person.
gsi-ch4-9
Footnotes:  
22 The use of sorcery or witchcraft is condemned in the Quran (2:102), but some hadith indicate that certain types of spells or incantations (ruqyah) are permitted (Sahih Muslim 26:5448). With regard to the evil eye, certain hadith affirm that it is real (Sahih Muslim 26:5427; Sahih Muslim 26:5450), while some interpretations claim the Quran (68:51) also mentions the evil eye. Jinn are mentioned in the Quran (for example, 55:15; 55:56). (return to text) 
23 See Quran 2:102; Sahih al-Bukhari 54:490. (return to text) 
24 Sahih al-Bukhari 71:635; Sahih al-Bukhari 71:636. (return to text) 
25 Sunan Abu Dawud 1:36. (return to text) 
Photo Credit: © SZE FEI WONG / istockphoto

The World' s Muslims: Unity and Diversity - Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life

 

The World's Muslims: Unity and Diversity

Executive Summary

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The world’s 1.6 billion Muslims are united in their belief in God and the Prophet Muhammad and are bound together by such religious practices as fasting during the holy month of Ramadan and almsgiving to assist people in need. But they have widely differing views about many other aspects of their faith, including how important religion is to their lives, who counts as a Muslim and what practices are acceptable in Islam, according to a worldwide survey by the Pew Research Center’s Forum on Religion & Public Life.
The survey, which involved more than 38,000 face-to-face interviews in over 80 languages, finds that in addition to the widespread conviction that there is only one God and that Muhammad is His Prophet, large percentages of Muslims around the world share other articles of faith, including belief in angels, heaven, hell and fate (or predestination). While there is broad agreement on the core tenets of Islam, however, Muslims across the 39 countries and territories surveyed differ significantly in their levels of religious commitment, openness to multiple interpretations of their faith and acceptance of various sects and movements.
gsi-es-1Some of these differences are apparent at a regional level. For example, at least eight-in-ten Muslims in every country surveyed in sub-Saharan Africa, Southeast Asia and South Asia say that religion is very important in their lives. Across the Middle East and North Africa, roughly six-in-ten or more say the same. And in the United States, a 2011 Pew Research Center survey found that nearly seven-in-ten Muslims (69%) say religion is very important to them. (For more comparisons with U.S. Muslims, see Appendix A.) But religion plays a much less central role for some Muslims, particularly in nations that only recently have emerged from communism. No more than half of those surveyed in Russia, the Balkans and the former Soviet republics of Central Asia say religion is very important in their lives. The one exception across this broad swath of Eastern Europe, Southern Europe and Central Asia is Turkey, which never came under communist rule; fully two-thirds of Turkish Muslims (67%) say religion is very important to them.
Generational differences are also apparent. Across the Middle East and North Africa, for example, Muslims 35 and older tend to place greater emphasis on religion and to exhibit higher levels of religious commitment than do Muslims between the ages of 18 and 34. In all seven countries surveyed in the region, older Muslims are more likely to report that they attend mosque, read the Quran (also spelled Koran) on a daily basis and pray multiple times each day. Outside of the Middle East and North Africa, the generational differences are not as sharp. And the survey finds that in one country – Russia – the general pattern is reversed and younger Muslims are significantly more observant than their elders.
gsi-es-2There are also differences in how male and female Muslims practice their faith. In most of the 39 countries surveyed, men are more likely than women to attend mosque. This is especially true in Central Asia and South Asia, where majorities of women in most of the countries surveyed say they never attend mosque. However, this disparity appears to result from cultural norms or local customs that constrain women from attending mosque, rather than from differences in the importance that Muslim women and men place on religion. In most countries surveyed, for example, women are about as likely as men to read (or listen to readings from) the Quran on a daily basis. And there are no consistent differences between men and women when it comes to the frequency of prayer or participation in annual rites, such as almsgiving and fasting during Ramadan.
Sectarian Differences
The survey asked Muslims whether they identify with various branches of Islam and about their attitudes toward other branches or subgroups. While these sectarian differences are important in some countries, the survey suggests that many Muslims around the world either do not know or do not care about them.
Muslims in the Middle East and North Africa tend to be most keenly aware of the distinction between the two main branches of Islam, Sunni and Shia.2 (See text box for definitions.) In most countries surveyed in the region, at least 40% of Sunnis do not accept Shias as fellow Muslims. In many cases, even greater percentages do not believe that some practices common among Shias, such as visiting the shrines of saints, are acceptable as part of Islamic tradition. Only in Lebanon and Iraq – nations where sizable populations of Sunnis and Shias live side by side – do large majorities of Sunnis recognize Shias as fellow Muslims and accept their distinctive practices as part of Islam.
gsi-es-3Outside of the Middle East and North Africa, the distinction between Sunni and Shia appears to be of lesser consequence. In many of the countries surveyed in Central Asia, for instance, most Muslims do not identify with either branch of Islam, saying instead that they are “just a Muslim.” A similar pattern prevails in Southern and Eastern Europe, where pluralities or majorities in all countries identify as “just a Muslim.” In some of these countries, decades of communist rule may have made sectarian distinctions unfamiliar. But identification as “just a Muslim” is also prevalent in many countries without a communist legacy. For example, in Indonesia, which has the world’s largest Muslim population, 26% of Muslims describe themselves as Sunnis, compared with 56% who say they are “just a Muslim” and 13% who do not give a definite response.
Opinion also varies as to whether Sufis – members of religious orders who emphasize the mystical dimensions of Islam – belong to the Islamic faith.3 In South Asia, Sufis are widely seen as Muslims, while in other regions they tend to be less well known or not widely accepted as part of the Islamic tradition. Views differ, too, with regard to certain practices traditionally associated with particular Sufi orders. For example, reciting poetry or singing in praise of God is generally accepted in most of the countries where the question was asked. But only in Turkey do a majority of Muslims believe that devotional dancing is an acceptable form of worship, likely reflecting the historical prominence of the Mevlevi or “whirling dervish” Sufi order in Turkey.
Differing Views on Orthodoxy
The survey asked Muslims whether they believe there is only one true way to understand Islam’s teachings or if multiple interpretations are possible. In 32 of the 39 countries surveyed, half or more Muslims say there is only one correct way to understand the teachings of Islam.
gsi-es-4This view, however, is far from universal. In the Middle East and North Africa, majorities or substantial minorities in most countries – including Tunisia, Morocco, the Palestinian territories, Lebanon and Iraq – believe that it is possible to interpret Islam’s teachings in multiple ways. In sub-Saharan Africa, at least one-in-five Muslims agree. In South Asia, Southeast Asia and across Southern and Eastern Europe, at least one-in-six in every country surveyed believe Islam is open to multiple interpretations.
In some Central Asian countries, slightly fewer Muslims say their faith can be subject to more than one interpretation. But in Kazakhstan (31%), Turkey (22%) and Kyrgyzstan (17%), the percentage that holds this view is on par with countries in other regions.
In the United States, by contrast, 57% of Muslims say Islam is open to multiple interpretations. On this measure, Muslim Americans look similar to Muslims in Morocco and Tunisia. (For more comparisons with previous surveys of U.S. Muslims, see Appendix A.)
What is a Median?
The median is the middle number in a list of numbers sorted from highest to lowest. On many questions in this report, medians are reported for groups of countries to help readers see regional patterns in religious beliefs and practices.
For a region with an odd number of countries, the median on a particular question is the middle spot among the countries surveyed in that region. For regions with an even number of countries, the median is computed as the average of the two countries at the middle of the list (e.g., where six nations are shown, the median is the average of the third and fourth countries listed in the region).
By contrast, figures reported for individual countries represent the total percentage for the category reported.
Core Beliefs
Traditionally, Muslims adhere to several articles of faith. Among the most widely known are: there is only one God; God has sent numerous messengers, with Muhammad being His final Prophet; God has revealed Holy Scriptures, including the Quran; God’s angels exist, even if people cannot see them; there will be a Day of Judgment, when God will determine whether individuals are consigned to heaven or hell; and God’s will and knowledge are absolute, meaning that people are subject to fate or predestination.4
gsi-es-5As previously noted, belief in one God and the Prophet Muhammad is nearly universal among Muslims in most countries surveyed. Although the survey asked only respondents in sub-Saharan Africa whether they consider the Quran to be the word of God, the findings in that region indicate broad assent.5 Across most of the African nations surveyed, more than nine-in-ten Muslims say the Quran is the word of God, and solid majorities say it should be taken literally, word for word. Only in two countries in the region – Guinea Bissau (59%) and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (54%) – do smaller percentages think the Quran should be read literally. The results in those two countries are similar to the United States, where 86% of Muslims said in a 2007 survey that the Quran was the word of God, including 50% who said it should be read literally, word for word. (For more U.S. results, see Appendix A.)
The survey asked respondents in all 39 countries whether they believe in the existence of angels. In Southeast Asia, South Asia and the Middle East-North Africa region, belief in angels is nearly universal. In Central Asia and sub-Saharan Africa more than seven-in-ten also say angels are real. Even in Southern and Eastern Europe,  a median of 55% share this view.
gsi-es-6The expression “Inshallah” (“If God wills”) is a common figure of speech among Muslims and reflects the Islamic tradition that the destiny of individuals, and the world, is in the hands of God. And indeed, the survey finds that the concept of predestination, or fate, is widely accepted among Muslims in most parts of the world. In four of the five regions where the question was asked, medians of about nine-in-ten (88% to 93%) say they believe in fate, while a median of 57% express this view in Southern and Eastern Europe.
gsi-es-7The survey also asked about the existence of heaven and hell. Across the six regions included in the study, a median of more than seven-in-ten Muslims say that paradise awaits those who have lived righteous lives, while a median of at least two-thirds say hell is the ultimate fate of those who do not live righteously and do not repent.
Unifying Rituals
Along with the core beliefs discussed above, Islam is defined by “Five Pillars” – basic rituals that are obligatory for all members of the Islamic community who are physically able to perform them. The Five Pillars include: the profession of faith (shahadah); daily prayer (salat); fasting during the holy month of Ramadan (sawm); annual almsgiving to assist the poor or needy (zakat); and participation in the annual pilgrimage to Mecca at least once during one’s lifetime (hajj). Two of these – fasting during Ramadan and almsgiving – stand out as communal rituals that are especially widespread among Muslims across the globe.
Fasting during the month of Ramadan, which according to Islamic tradition is required of all healthy, adult Muslims, is part of an annual rite in which individuals place renewed emphasis on the teachings of the Quran. The survey finds that many Muslims in all six major geographical regions surveyed observe the month-long, daytime fast during Ramadan. In Southeast Asia, South Asia, the Middle East and North Africa, and sub-Saharan Africa, medians of more than nine-in-ten say they fast annually (94%-99%). Many Muslims in Southern and Eastern Europe and in Central Asia also report fasting during Ramadan.
gsi-es-8Annual almsgiving, which by custom is supposed to equal approximately 2.5% of a person’s total wealth, is almost as widely observed as fasting during Ramadan. In Southeast Asia and South Asia, a median of roughly nine-in-ten Muslims (93% and 89%, respectively) say they perform zakat. At least three-quarters of respondents in the countries surveyed in the Middle East and North Africa (79%) and sub-Saharan Africa (77%) also report that they perform zakat. Smaller majorities in Central Asia (69%) and Southern and Eastern Europe (56%) say they practice annual almsgiving.
One Faith, Different Levels of Commitment
These common practices and shared beliefs help to explain why, to many Muslims, the principles of Islam seem both clear and universal. As mentioned above, half or more in most of the 39 countries surveyed agree that there is only one way to interpret the teachings of Islam.
But even though the idea of a single faith is widespread, the survey finds that Muslims differ significantly in their assessments of the importance of religion in their lives, as well as in their views about the forms of worship that should be accepted as part of the Islamic faith.
Central Asia along with Southern and Eastern Europe have relatively low levels of religious commitment, both in terms of the lower importance that Muslims in those regions place on religion and in terms of self-reported religious practices. With the exception of Turkey, where two-thirds of Muslims say religion is very important in their lives, half or fewer across these two regions say religion is personally very important to them. This includes Kazakhstan and Albania, where just 18% and 15%, respectively, say religion is central to their lives. (See "How Much Religion Matters" chart.)
gsi-es-9Along with the lower percentages who say religion is very important in their lives, Muslims in Central Asia and across Southern and Eastern Europe also report lower levels of religious practice than Muslims in other regions. For instance, only in Azerbaijan does a majority (70%) pray more than once a day. Elsewhere in these two regions, the number of Muslims who say they pray several times a day ranges from slightly more than four-in-ten in Kosovo (43%), Turkey (43%) and Tajikistan (42%) to fewer than one-in-ten in Albania (7%) and Kazakhstan (4%).
In other regions included in the study, daily prayer is much more common among Muslims. In Southeast Asia, for example, at least three-quarters pray more than once a day, while in the Middle East and North Africa, sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia, majorities in most countries report the same.
Muslims in Central Asia, as well as in Southern and Eastern Europe, also tend to be less observant than their counterparts in other regions when it comes to mosque attendance. Just over four-in-ten Turkish Muslims (44%) say they visit their local mosque once a week or more, while three-in-ten do the same in Tajikistan and Bosnia-Herzegovina. In the remaining countries, fewer than a quarter of Muslims say they go to worship services at least once a week.
By contrast, outside Central Asia and the Southern-Eastern Europe region, substantially larger percentages of Muslims say they attend mosque once a week or more, although only in sub-Saharan Africa do broad majorities in all countries display this high level of religious commitment.
It is important to keep in mind, however, that despite lower levels of religious commitment on some measures, majorities of Muslims across most of Central Asia and Southern and Eastern Europe nonetheless subscribe to core tenets of Islam, and many also report that they observe such pillars of the faith as fasting during Ramadan and annual almsgiving to the poor.
Generational Differences in Religious Commitment
gsi-es-10Of all the countries surveyed, only in Russia do Muslims ages 18-34 place significantly more importance on religion than Muslims 35 and older (48% vs. 41%). Younger Muslims in Russia also tend to pray more frequently (48% do so once a day or more, compared with 41% of older Muslims). 
Elsewhere in Southern and Eastern Europe and Central Asia, the older generation of Muslims generally places a greater emphasis on religion and engages more often in prayer. For example, Muslims ages 35 and older are more likely than younger Muslims to pray several times a day in Uzbekistan (+18 percentage points), Tajikistan (+16) and Kyrgyzstan (+8).
The biggest generational differences are found in the Middle East and North Africa. In Lebanon, for example, Muslims ages 35 and older are 28 percentage points more likely than younger Muslims to pray several times a day, 20 points more likely to attend mosque at least weekly and 18 points more likely to read the Quran daily. On each of these measures, age gaps of 10 points or more also are found in the Palestinian territories, Morocco and Tunisia. And somewhat smaller but statistically significant differences are observed as well in Jordan and Egypt.
Women and Men Similar, Except in Mosque Attendance
gsi-es-11Across the six regions included in the survey, women and men tend to be very similar in terms of the role religion plays in daily life. This holds true for the importance that both sexes place on religion, as well as for the frequency with which they observe daily rituals, such as prayer and reading (or listening to) the Quran. For example, among the countries surveyed in Central Asia, a median of 43% of Muslim women say religion is very important in their lives, compared with 42% of men. When it comes to prayer, medians of 31% of women and 28% of men in Central Asia pray several times a day. And nearly equal percentages of women (8%) and men (6%) across the region say they read or listen to the Quran daily.
The one exception to this pattern is mosque attendance: women are much more likely than men to say they never visit their local mosque. This gender gap is largest in South Asia and Central Asia. In South Asia, including Pakistan, a median of about three-quarters of women (77%) say they never attend mosque, compared with just 1% of men. In Central Asia, the comparable figures are 74% and 20%. Gender differences in mosque attendance are smaller, though still significant, in Southern and Eastern Europe (+27 percentage points) and the Middle East-North Africa region (+26 points). There is little or no gap, however, in Southeast Asia (+4) and sub-Saharan Africa (+1).
Sectarian Differences Vary in Importance
The survey finds that sectarian identities, especially the distinction between Sunni and Shia Muslims, seem to be unfamiliar or unimportant to many Muslims. This is especially true across Southern and Eastern Europe, as well as in Central Asia, where medians of at least 50% describe themselves as “just a Muslim” rather than as a follower of any particular branch of Islam. Substantial minorities in sub-Saharan Africa and Southeast Asia also identify as “just a Muslim” (regional medians of 23% and 18%).
gsi-es-12Sectarian identities appear to be particularly relevant in South Asia and the Middle East-North Africa region, where majorities identify as Sunnis or Shias. In the Middle East and North Africa, moreover, widespread identification with the Sunni sect is often coupled with mixed views about whether Shias are Muslims.
In five of seven countries surveyed in the Middle East and North Africa, at least four-in-ten or more Sunnis say Shias are not Muslims.6 Only in Iraq and Lebanon do overwhelming majorities of Sunnis accept Shias as members of the same faith. Indeed, Sunnis in these two countries are at least 23 to 28 percentage points more likely than Sunnis elsewhere in the region to recognize Shias as Muslims.7
This greater willingness of Sunnis in Iraq and Lebanon to accept Shias as fellow Muslims extends as well to attitudes about forms of worship traditionally associated with Shias. For example, while most Sunnis in the Middle East and North Africa view pilgrimages to the shrines of saints as falling outside Islamic tradition, majorities of Sunnis in Lebanon (98%) and Iraq (65%) believe this practice is acceptable in Islam. In this regard, Sunnis in these two countries resemble their fellow Shia countrymen more than they resemble Sunnis in neighboring countries such as Egypt and Jordan.
gsi-es-13In Lebanon sectarian attitudes vary significantly by age. Lebanese Sunnis who are 35 and older are less willing than younger Sunnis to accept Shias as Muslims. The history of sectarian conflict in Lebanon in the 1970s and 1980s may help explain the generational difference. Sunnis who came of age during the conflict years are less inclined to view Shias as fellow Muslims. Yet, even with this generational difference, both younger and older Sunnis in Lebanon still are more willing than most Sunnis in the Middle East-North Africa region to say that Shias share the same faith.
Not just in the Middle East and North Africa but in other regions as well, the willingness of Sunnis to accept Shia as fellow Muslims tends to be higher in countries with sizable Shia populations. For example, in Azerbaijan, Afghanistan and Russia – countries with self-identified Shia populations ranging from 6% to 37% – clear majorities of Sunnis (both men and women, young and old) agree that Shias belong to the Islamic faith. On the other hand, in Pakistan, where 6% of the survey respondents identify as Shia, Sunni attitudes are more mixed: 50% say Shias are Muslims, while 41% say they are not.
Sunnis and Shias
Sunni Muslims and Shia Muslims (also known as Shiites) comprise the two main branches of Islam. Sunni and Shia identities first formed soon after the death of the Prophet Muhammad in 632 C.E., centering on a dispute over leadership succession. Over time, however, the political divide between the two groups broadened to include theological distinctions and differences in religious practices as well.
While the two groups are similar in many ways, they differ over conceptions of religious authority and interpretation as well as the role of the Prophet Muhammad’s descendants, among other issues.
Members of Sufi orders, which embrace mystical practices, can fall within either the Sunni or the Shia tradition. In some cases, Sufis may accept teachings from both traditions.
For additional information regarding Sunni and Shia Islam, see John Esposito, editor. 2003. “Shii Islam” and “Sunni Islam” in “The Oxford Dictionary of Islam.” Oxford: Oxford University Press, pages 290-93 and 304-307.
Views of Other Groups
The survey also asked about attitudes toward Sufis and members of regionally specific groups or movements. Views of Sufis vary greatly by region. In South Asia, for example, a median of 77% consider Sufis to be Muslims; half in the Middle East and North Africa concur. However, significantly fewer Muslims in other regions surveyed accept Sufis as members of the Islamic faith. For example, in Southern and Eastern Europe (Russia and the Balkans), a median of 32% recognize Sufis as fellow Muslims, while in Southeast Asia and Central Asia the comparable figures are 24% and 18%.
gsi-es-14Especially in Central Asia, the low percentage that accepts Sufis as Muslims may be linked to a lack of knowledge about this mystical branch of Islam: majorities in most Central Asian countries surveyed say either that they have never heard of Sufis or that they do not have an opinion about whether Sufis are Muslims.
Views of regionally or locally based groups and movements are mixed. For example, in South Asia and Southeast Asia, relatively few Muslims accept Ahmadiyyas as members of the Islamic faith. Only in Bangladesh do as many as four-in-ten recognize members of this movement as fellow Muslims; elsewhere in the two regions, a quarter or fewer agree. Even smaller percentages in Malaysia and Indonesia (9% and 5%, respectively) say that members of the mystical Aliran Kepercayaan movement are Muslims. (See Glossary for brief definitions of these groups.)
In Turkey, most Muslims (69%) acknowledge Alevis, who are part of the Shia tradition, as fellow Muslims. Meanwhile, in Lebanon, a modest majority (57%) say members of the Alawite sect are Muslims. By comparison, only about four-in-ten Lebanese Muslims (39%) say the same about the Druze.
About the Report
These and other findings are discussed in more detail in the remainder of this report, which is divided into six main sections:
This report also includes an appendix with comparable results from past Pew Research Center surveys of Muslims in the United States. There is also a glossary of key terms. The survey questionnaire and a topline with full results is also available. The report also includes an infographic. This report covers religious affiliation, beliefs and practices. A second report will cover Muslims’ attitudes and views on a variety of social and political questions.
The Pew Forum’s survey of the world’s Muslims includes every nation with a Muslim population of more than 10 million except Algeria, China, India, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Syria and Yemen. Together, the 39 countries and territories included in the survey are home to about two-thirds of all Muslims in the world.
The surveys that are the basis for this report were conducted across multiple years. Fifteen sub-Saharan countries with substantial Muslim populations were surveyed in 2008-2009 as part of a larger project that examined religion in that region. The methods employed in those countries – as well as some of the findings – are detailed in the Pew Forum report “Tolerance and Tension: Islam and Christianity in Sub-Saharan Africa.” An additional 24 countries and territories were surveyed in 2011-2012. In 21 of these countries, Muslims make up a majority of the population. In these cases, nationally representative samples of at least 1,000 respondents were fielded. The number of self-identified Muslims interviewed in these countries ranged from 551 in Lebanon to 1,918 in Bangladesh. In Russia and Bosnia-Herzegovina, where Muslims are a minority, oversamples were employed to ensure adequate representation of Muslims; in both cases, at least 1,000 Muslims were interviewed. Meanwhile, in Thailand, the survey was limited to the country’s five southern provinces, each with substantial Muslim populations; more than 1,000 interviews with Muslims were conducted across these provinces. Appendix C provides greater detail on the 2011-2012 survey’s methodology.
gsi-es-15gsi-es-16
Footnotes: 
2 According to Pew Forum estimates, 87-90% of the world’s Muslims are Sunnis, while 10-13% are Shias. For country-by-country estimates of the percentage of Sunnis and Shias, see the Pew Forum’s 2009 report “Mapping the Global Muslim Population,” page 38. (return to text) 
3 For background on Sufi orders, see the Pew Forum’s 2010 report “Muslim Networks and Movements in Western Europe.” (return to text) 
4 Enumerations and translations of the articles of faith vary. Most are derived from the Hadith of Gabriel. See, for example, Sahih al-Bukhari 2:47 and Sahih al-Muslim 1:1. For details on hadith, see text box in Chapter 3. (return to text) 
5 In 2008-2009, the Pew Forum asked both Muslims and Christians in sub-Saharan Africa if the sacred texts of their respective religions are the word of God and should be taken literally. The results are reported in the 2010 report “Tolerance and Tension: Islam and Christianity in Sub-Saharan Africa.” (return to text) 
6 Questions about views of Muslim sects were not asked in sub-Saharan Africa. (return to text) 
7 All figures for Shia and Sunni subgroups within countries are based on self-identification in response to a multi-part survey question that first asked if an individual was Muslim (Q28 and Q28b), and if yes, if they were Sunni, Shia or “something else” (Q31). The percentage of Shias and Sunnis identified by the survey may diverge from country estimates reported in the Pew Forum’s 2009 report “Mapping the Global Muslim Population,” which are based on demographic and ethnographic analyses, as well as reviews of frequently used estimates. (return to text) 
Photo Credit: © SZE FEI WONG / istockphoto

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